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In this paper I argue that Small pro is not needed as a representative for null subjects in languages like Italian, Spanish, Standard Arabian etc. Instead I propose the Person Phrase hypothesis, which claims that agreement originates as the head of the subject argument. this argument is analyzed as PersP, seen as an expanded DP, [PersP Agr DP]. Agr is a bound morpheme, and thus cannot survive with

This squib is a brief state of the art overview of declarative V1 in Icelandic, old and modern. Three(relevant) types of such clauses are discussed: Narrative Inversion, with an overt topical subjectdirectly after the verb, Presentational V1, with an overt non-topical subject, and Null-subject V1.Narrative Inversion is a robust main clause phenomenon, whereas Presentational V1 and Null-subjectV1 a

In reply to Wiklund (2009), this paper addresses once again embedded V2 clauses in Scandinavian: the behaviour of certain discourse oriented elements in these clauses, the possibility of topicalising embedded V2 clauses, and the optionality of embedded V2. The conclusion is that the analysis according to which embedded V2 clauses have illocutionary force can still be maintained.

Abstract This paper offers a new description and explanation of morphological agreement, argument-verb agreement in particular. The hypothesis explored is that argument-verb agreement is directly related to selection of arguments (s-selection), i.e. s-selectional features are in fact ф-features ([PERSON, NUMBER(, GENDER)], and that morphological argument-verb agreement mirrors this relation. Call

Embedded declarative V2 clauses can appear in a number of different contexts in Norwegian and Swedish. What all these clauses have in common is that they have illocutionary force—they are asserted. I argue that a syntactic Force head is responsible for the illocutionary force as well as for the V2 order. Thus, the syntax and the semantics of embedded V2 clauses are closely tied together. The analy

This paper is an attempt to solve the somewhat elusive polarity item licensing properties of wh-questions in Swedish. As has been observed by Klima (1964) for English, NPIs are gener¬ally not compatible with genuinely information seeking wh-questions, but tend to induce rhe¬torical interpretations. Distin-guishing between three types of wh-questions and the kind of information they request, I will

This paper argues in line with recent work by Pesetsky and Torrego that given the operation Agree there is no need for the concept Abstract Case in Narrow Syntax. Morphological case exists in many languages, and is here, following a suggestion by Halldór Sigurðsson, seen as the result of an instruction to PF how to translate syntactic structure into morphology. I will call this instruction CAM, sh